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        Via Workers World News Service 
        Reprinted from the Dec. 27, 2001 
        issue of Workers World newspaper 
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      CONVENTIONAL DEVASTATION AND NUCLEAR TERROR: 
        BUSH PUSHES WAR ON MANY FRONTS 
      By Fred Goldstein 
      The Bush administration is pushing out on all fronts in an 
        effort to develop a permanent state of belligerency and war. 
        Right now it is trying to prolong the war in Afghanistan, is 
        supporting Israel's war in Palestine, is planning to launch 
        wars in other areas of the world, and is trying to keep the 
        people of the U.S. in a perpetual state of fear, suspicion 
        and patriotic war fever. 
      This is what was behind the showing of the inflammatory tape 
        of Osama bin Laden for 24 straight hours by all the 
        television networks. This is what is behind the escalating 
        campaign against Muslim students, other Middle Eastern 
        immigrants and Muslim charities. And this is what is behind 
        the periodic announcements of "terror alerts" coming from 
        Washington. 
      On the battlefield in Afghanistan, the Pentagon is trying to 
        prolong the war and the killing as long as possible-to wreak 
        destruction and havoc and to condition the population at 
        home to a state of prolonged war. 
      As an example, Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld went to 
        Afghanistan to review the troops, assess the situation and 
        dictate instructions to the new puppet leadership. During a 
        visit to an airfield, he met with Hamid Karzai, who is to be 
        installed as the provisional head of the new government, and 
        the incoming Secretary of Defense, Gen. Muhhamad Fahim. 
        Rumsfeld told them that even though the Afghan local forces 
        considered the war over, the U.S. was going to continue its 
        military operations in the country. 
      RUMSFELD DECIDES WHEN WAR IS OVER 
      Warlord commanders in the Tora Bora region said they had 
        taken control of the area and, according to the New York 
        Times of Dec. 17, commanders Muhhamed Zaman and Hazirat Ali, 
        tribal leaders in the region, both declared that the 
        military conflict was over. 
      "There is no need for American bombing," commander Zaman 
        said. "Our men have control over the situation." Commander 
        Ali, speaking of the fortified caves in which bin Laden 
        might be hiding, said, "There is no cave that is not under 
        the control of the mujahadeen." 
      On the next day, according to the Times of Dec. 18, "the 
        Pentagon delivered its answer. ... American AC-130 gunships 
        continued to prowl over the mountain area. Then a thunderous 
        explosion lit up the sky. The American bombing had resumed 
        and was continuing on the other side of the mountain today." 
      "They have got their own program," declared Ali. "Last 
        night 
        they even bombed us." 
      Washington's determination to keep the war going as long as 
        possible and to bring as much killing and destruction as 
        possible was further demonstrated earlier in the week. "The 
        anti-Taliban, anti-Qaeda commanders were furious and 
        dejected," reported the Times of Dec. 13, " believing that 
        they had negotiated a cease-fire and surrender agreement in 
        good faith, only to see it derailed by American bombing and 
        strafing by AC-130 gunships through the night and a heavy 
        barrage early in the morning, just before the surrender was 
        supposed to take place." 
      The agreement was to allow the Al Qaeda fighters to 
        surrender and for Arab, Pakistani and other foreign fighters 
        to be turned over to the United Nations. But Rumsfeld was 
        not having any of that. The Pentagon vetoed the agreement 
        with bullets and the killing continued. 
      THE BUSH DOCTRINE: MILITARY DEVASTATION 
      This military policy was dictated by the political strategy 
        of the so-called Bush Doctrine of perpetual war for decades 
        to come, first enunciated to a joint session of Congress on 
        Sept. 14. Bush made a follow-up elaboration of this new, 
        ultra-militaristic doctrine in a speech at the Citadel 
        military college in Charleston, S.C., on Dec. 12. 
      Pumped up by the victory in Afghanistan, he denounced those 
        who thought that after the destruction of the Soviet Union 
        "our military would be used overseas, not to win wars, but 
        mainly to police and pacify; to control crowds and contain 
        ethnic conflict. They were wrong." 
      He drove home the lesson that the Pentagon and the ruling 
        class wanted everyone to learn from the war in Afghanistan. 
        "Our military has a new essential mission: For states that 
        support terror, it's not enough that the consequences be 
        costly; they must be devastating." 
      The New York Times, reporting on the speech, said that "Mr. 
        Bush cited the American military campaign in Afghanistan as 
        a model for future wars, and said the United States needs to 
        further develop unmanned planes, like the Predator, and 
        precision-guided bombs." 
      With intentional racist insensitivity, Bush referred to the 
        war in Afghanistan and the new use of high technology by 
        Special Forces operations as "strikes from horseback in the 
        first cavalry charge of the 21st century." Speaking at this 
        Southern military academy in the land where slavery was 
        defended and the Native people were conquered by the 
        cavalry, the symbolism was hard to miss. 
      It is fitting that Bush has now chosen the Citadel to make 
        two major policy speeches. Charleston is the birthplace of 
        the Confederacy-the site of Fort Sumter. 
      U.S. NUCLEAR TERROR AND CANCELLATION OF ABM TREATY 
      In the same speech Bush signaled his intention to withdraw 
        from the ABM Treaty of 1972, which he did officially a few 
        days later. It shows the dimension of the global military 
        threat that the Rumsfeld wing of the Pentagon had been 
        working on before Sept. 11. Breaking the treaty will free up 
        the U.S. government to begin the construction of anti- 
        missile silos in Greeley, Alaska, as early as June of next 
        year. 
      There was much ado in the ruling class opposition about how 
        this would damage relations with Russia. It is a 
        characteristic of this administration's fiercely militarist 
        wing, headed by Rumsfeld and his deputy secretary Paul 
        Wolfowitz and supported by a host of strategists for the 
        military-industrial complex, that they advocate 
        subordinating diplomacy wherever it interferes with military 
        expansion or plans for aggression. These are the so-called 
        unilateralists. 
      The multilateralist "coalition builders," represented in the 
        administration by Secretary of State Colin Powell, tried 
        mightily to work out a negotiated arrangement with Russian 
        President Vladimir Putin. In fact, Powell was in Moscow 
        trying to work it out when, according to the New York Times 
        of Dec. 12, "Mr. Bush concluded ... that Secretary Powell's 
        last effort would likely fail." Bush had already told Putin 
        by telephone that he was pulling out. 
      Setting up an ABM system is a highly aggressive act. It 
        means the establishment of a first-strike force, since an 
        opponent is prevented from retaliating to an attack. Thus a 
        country like the People's Republic of China, which has only 
        20 or so missiles capable of reaching the U.S., would have 
        no deterrent to prevent a military attack by the U.S. in the 
        event that the Pentagon is able to perfect a workable ABM 
        system. 
      During the era of the USSR, both Moscow and Washington 
        signed the ABM Treaty precisely to eliminate first-strike 
        capability on the other side. Setting up an effective 
        missile "defense" system, however, lays the basis for 
        further Pentagon nuclear terrorism. 
      The decision was regarded as "a major policy defeat for 
        Secretary Powell" and "a major victory for Defense Secretary 
        Donald Rumsfeld, fresh from the success of the military 
        campaign against the Taliban and Al Qaeda," according to the 
        Times. 
      BUSH AND SHARON: PALESTINE IS PHASE TWO 
      The war momentum has swept the Bush administration to new 
        levels of aggression. The war against the Palestinians is in 
        reality Phase Two. Washington quickly incorporated the 
        massive offensive by Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon 
        into its so-called "war on terrorism." 
      Sharon, a war criminal of major proportions who is currently 
        being tried in Belgium for crimes committed during the siege 
        of Beirut in 1982, is trying to destroy the Palestinian 
        Authority, Hamas, the Popular Front for the Liberation of 
        Palestine, the Islamic Jihad, Fatah and all other 
        instruments of resistance to the Israeli occupation. 
      U.S. Apache helicopters, U.S. F-16s, U.S. missiles, U.S. 
        bullets and billions of dollars of U.S. military aid are 
        waging this war. It could not continue without full support 
        from the Bush administration. 
      Powell had dispatched a negotiating team headed by retired 
        Gen. Anthony Zinni, former head of the Central Command, to 
        try to placate moderate Arab regimes and the European 
        imperialist allies and give the impression that the U.S. 
        wanted to calm the situation in Palestine. 
      The Sharon regime sabotaged the mission in advance by 
        assassinating a major Hamas military commander, then opening 
        up a major attack after the inevitable retaliation by Hamas. 
        The Zinni mission was converted into a pressure group to 
        squeeze Yasir Arafat to open up civil war against the 
        resistance movement. Zinni finally had to be recalled. 
      PLANNING THE NEXT WAR WELL UNDERWAY 
      As the war in Afghanistan is winding down and the war in 
        Palestine is heating up, the Bush administration is already 
        trying to plan its next war. The New York Times of Dec. 17 
        wrote that it will be "making some difficult choices in the 
        next few weeks... . Is it taking the war to Iraq ... to 
        Somalia, or perhaps Indonesia and the Philippines? Or 
        alternatively, will events pick Phase Two for him, perhaps 
        in Pakistan or the Middle East. 
      "For weeks now it has been clear that the White House, the 
        State Department and the Pentagon are not waiting to see Mr. 
        bin Laden in handcuffs ... before preparing the next phase 
        of the war." 
      The greatest pressure in the government is to overthrow 
        Saddam Hussein of Iraq. The struggle inside the 
        administration has progressed from whether to do it to how 
        to do it. The difficulty in plunging into the heart of the 
        Middle East in a wild act of unprovoked aggression is giving 
        major sections of the ruling class pause for thought. 
      It was one thing for the Pentagon to overthrow the 
        unpopular, austere, medieval, counter-revolutionary Taliban 
        government, which had no military to speak of. It is another 
        thing to challenge the hundreds of millions of Arab people 
        who have seen the genocidal destruction of villages and 
        civilians in Afghanistan and who have been watching the 
        Israelis kill Palestinian men, women and children with U.S. 
        weapons and U.S. military support for the last 14 months of 
        the Al-Aqsa Intifada. 
      At the present there is an active effort to find some way to 
        overthrow the government of Saddam Hussein in Iraq. The 
        Pentagon is exploring the possibility of encircling the 
        regime and initiating a proxy war involving the Turkish 
        government, a section of the Kurds in northern Iraq and the 
        Shiites in the south. 
      Whether such a course is practical and whether it will 
        satisfy the ultra-militarists is doubtful. But in any case, 
        one thing is for sure, the hatred for U.S. imperialism among 
        the masses of the Middle East is growing with each new act 
        of aggression. 
      Poverty and unemployment in the Middle East are growing. The 
        governments of Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Jordan and Syria are all 
        holding their breath at the moment, as mass discontent grows 
        daily. A new act of U.S. military aggression could truly set 
        off a conflagration that could not be put out. 
      And above all, if the capitalist economic crisis in the U.S. 
        continues to deepen, the masses of workers who are losing 
        their jobs, going on short hours, losing benefits, and being 
        driven into poverty may decide that the war they really want 
        to fight is the war for social and economic justice at home-- 
        not a war to conquer the Middle East or southern Asia for 
        the benefit of the super-rich who are behind the layoffs and 
        are raking in all the aid Congress can muster. 
      What the militarists never count on is that mass resistance, 
        at home and abroad, can bring all their grandiose plans of 
        world conquest to naught. 
      - END - 
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